BIAFRA : Documentary marking 50 years since Nigerian-Biafran War launches in London

The story of Biafra

When people conjure up images of war in the late 1960s, Vietnam tends to come immediately to mind. But there was another war happening in West Africa at this time – the Nigerian-Biafran War.

The divisions in Nigeria had their roots in British colonial divide-and-rule policies. And when Nigeria gained its independence in 1960 there were inherent tensions in the politics of that space during the years that followed.

Dr Louisa Egbunike’s documentary weaves together an engaging narrative of reflections from authors touched by one of the most devastating conflicts of the 1960s, one that still casts its shadow on Nigerians around the world

On Saturday 25^th January 2020, a sold-out Curzon Bloomsbury cinema played host to the launch of In The Shadow of Biafra, a documentary reflecting on 50 years since the end of the Nigerian-Biafran War.

Produced by Dr Louisa Egbunike from City, University of London’s Department of English, and directed by filmmaker and University of Sussex PhD student Nathan Richards, the film juxtaposes a variety of reflections by creative writers – both those who lived through the war, and those who have been touched by its impact on their families both before and since they were born.

The film engages with topics such as how the war is remembered, the inheritance of trauma and the role of writers during the war.

The film includes interviews with writers including Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, Inua Ellams, Ernest Emenyonu, Linton Kwesi Johnson, Okey Ndibe, Obi Nwakanma , Nnedi Okorafor, Tochi Onyebuchi, Data Phido, and the late Chukwuemeka Ike, who sadly passed away on 8^th January 2020 and who receives a dedication at the end of the film.

^{Ticket holders take their seats for the sold-out screening}

Attendees at the launch included: Professor Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo, the respected Nigerian author and University of Lagos academic who also features prominently in the film [first photo below]; Chi-chi Nwanoku OBE, founder of Chineke!, Europe's first majority BAME orchestra [second photo]; and Chibundu Onuzo, author of The Spider King's Daughter [third photo].

After the film concluded to enthusiastic applause from the audience, Dr Egbunike and Richards took part in a Q&A session, chaired by Sarah Ozo-Irabor, presenter of the Books & Rhymes podcast.

In response to a question about the contrasting opinions aired in the film, Richards said: “There were a lot of tensions, which we put side-by-side.”

Dr Egbunike added: “There end up being interesting conversations between people in the film [due to how comments are woven together].”

But as filmmakers, how did they deal with these contradictions in the narrative?

“The point is to not try to resolve the contradictions in what people say; instead, out of those contradictions comes a conversation,” said Dr Egbunike.

“By putting different interpretations alongside each other, in our way we are trying to contribute to the conversation.”

Richards concurred, saying: “We weren’t doing a history. We were engaging with memory – because that’s one way in which people deal with trauma.”

^{Dr Egbunike discusses her research into the Nigerian-Biafran War}

Tensions escalated and in 1966 – after a coup and counter-coup – Igbo people living in northern Nigeria were targeted and killed. Survivors left the north and fled to their home towns in the Eastern region.

After a series of failed negotiations, those in Biafra felt unsafe in Nigeria and Biafra subsequently declared its independence. In 1967, a war between Biafra and Nigeria began.

In a recent segment for The Guardian’s Today In Focus podcast, Dr Egbunike described the situation in Nigeria at that time.

“The British, being the former colonisers, wanted to maintain what they’d created – in part because the borders of Biafra included the region of Nigeria that had oil wells,” she said. “So, Britain backed Nigeria in the war and provided the Nigerians with arms.

“But increasingly, as the media presented images of children starving – the hopelessness, the refugees, the displaced people – the British public had great sympathy for the Biafrans, donating money for the Biafran cause and putting pressure on the British government.

Famously around this time, The Beatles’ John Lennon handed back his MBE, in his words “as a protest against violence and war – especially Britain’s involvement in Biafra”. The conflict also directly led to the formation of Médecins Sans Frontières.

British pressure

The British government was under pressure because the general public didn’t agree with its stance. Consequently, Britain in turn put pressure on Nigeria and didn’t want the war to continue to be drawn out. That, in turn, meant they needed to win the war quickly.

“Biafra had lost a lot of territory; there were blockades in place so it was difficult for aid to get in,” said Dr Egbunike. “People couldn’t maintain their farms and so there was no way of feeding Biafrans within Biafra. People were starving.

“And then the military attacks were not just on Biafran soldiers, they deliberately targeted civilians.

“After almost three years, the War ended in January 1970. Those who were living in Biafra had their Nigerian bank accounts emptied and were given £20.

“The focus was on ‘how do we rebuild?’,” said Dr Egbunike. “And people did, but the flip-side of that was that the trauma people felt got buried, there was never a space to reckon with that trauma. Nigeria hasn’t reckoned with its history.

^{he Nigerian-Biafran War was the first conflict to bring images of starving children strongly into the
British public's consciousness, leading to widespread sympathy for the plight of Biafrans
[Photo: Dr. Lyle Conrad; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]}

“Many parents and grandparents aren’t telling their children about the war. There hasn’t been a fully formed, developed notion of a national identity. There are still tensions along ethnic lines.

“When it comes to Biafra, part of the reason why there hasn’t been a public conversation is because those in power don’t necessarily want that conversation.

“Many people who were part of that war, don’t want to reckon with that history.”

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Dr Egbunike is currently in the process of scheduling further screenings for In The Shadow of Biafra, with a second film also in the pipeline. For updates, follow @ShadowOfBiafra on Twitter.

BIAFRA : Some communities practised cannibalism to survive during civil war – Ex-Biafran soldier enlisted at 14

Dr Andee Iheme, 65, is the Director of Information, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi. Iheme, who was conscripted into the Biafran Army at the age of 14, tells ARMSTRONG BAKAM about his experiences and how Nigeria failed to derive positives from the Nigerian Civil War, 50 years after it ended

You fought in the civil war at 14, how did it happen?

In 1968, the Biafran Army needed more soldiers because several fronts had been opened. If you recall, the first shot was fired in Cross River State, so Nsukka area was the main front but later Port Harcourt opened up and there was a need for more soldiers. So conscriptions started on the Biafran side and it was not a matter of age but of size because it got to a situation when once those conscripting people into the army came around the area where we were refugees, everyone ran away.

It was such that if you were caught, sometimes, you were taken straight to the front. You were taught how to shoot in the vehicle that took you to the front. I was just 14years old and my parents thought it was reasonable for me to join the force and see if I could get some training before going to the front. But I joined the military police and it got to a point where the royal battalions, military police, those in health, and others, were required to donate manpower to assist those at the front. So, in one way or the other, all the soldiers were ready for battle; some had to go to the front directly.

I didn’t go directly to the front but we worked directly behind the front. We took some of the shelling from the federal troops and sometimes, we were the ones who waged the advance for the ground troops to muster enough resistance. We were taken and trained after about two weeks in the normal military regiment parade. Then we went to a place in present Abia State called Umuopara. In Umuopara, the military police had a school where we were trained as policemen; I was 14 years old.

When I look at 14-year-old boys of today, I shed tears because I see myself in them and I can imagine what I went through at that age, fending for myself. There was no food in the Biafran Army, so we had to fend for ourselves. Sometimes, when you have a very good family upbringing, certain boundaries are built around you. Part of what my mum told me was that I must never steal but the funny part of it was that I bought from those who stole; for those who went to the farm and stole food, we were the market that was readily available for them. Since my mother told me that, I never went to anybody’s farm to steal.

What other experiences did you have during the war?

At 14, I needed to be looked after but I found myself in a situation where I was looking after other people in the camp because as a military policeman, we had to keep guard and protect our camps. I remember when I was keeping guard over the entire military headquarters. The adjutant of the camp would come in around 2am to check and I was the one on duty. There was a day I fell asleep while on duty and I knew the enormity of that offence. He wanted to take my rifle but we had devised ways of sleeping and still make it impossible for anyone to take our rifle away as evidence.

There is a way you can sling your rifle around your leg and put your legs on the magazine and hold it up. I was leaning on a tree, but the moment he touched my rifle, I woke up and shouted: “Who goes there?” He said I was sleeping and I denied because he couldn’t prove it. And because of that, I wasn’t court-martialled.

There was no food; what people used to do was to go into people’s farms and steal crops or for those at checkpoints, they could food from farmers returning home from their farms. It was such that for three days at times, you might not have food. Then the Biafran Army suddenly discovered that things like the lizard had enough protein, so it was good meat. Vultures virtually disappeared from Biafra. Cattle egrets popularly known as ‘Leke-Leke’ also completely disappeared. We discovered how to live on some herbs and leaves, some of which were poisonous. We knew how to get out the poisonous sap.

We learnt to eat the orange and leave out only the peel. We ate avocados with the seeds inside and all kinds of things like locusts and lizards to keep us alive. The first instinct in man is that of survival. In fact, some communities ate human beings; they would go to the front and harvest the dead and eat. We were going back to the days of cannibalism because man had to survive, so everything was possible. All you wanted was to stay alive. And so, nothing was sacred.

I remember when refugees from Awka got to my town in Ibuowerri, they started killing the fish in our river which we considered as sacred.

I bought the fish not knowing where it came from. Later, they were barred from touching the fish. I was ate water yam, which was considered as taboo in my community. I damned everything because I was hungry; I had stayed for days without food.

How were you trained?

We got training in basic military regimentation and all that for about two weeks, then we went to Umuopara in present Abia State to train as military policemen. We spent up to a month there.

Did you lose anyone close to you in the war?

Yes, I did. I lost so many people. I lost one Akandu; I believe he died in Calabar Sector. We never saw him, the parents never had closure. They kept on believing their son, Akandu, would return until they died.

I watched a lot of my cousins and nieces die of Kwashiorkor; that was the most painful part. I watched them twitch until they died, not one, not two, not three of them. My father’s house had a lot of wood, so we were able to get wood for coffins. Once anybody died in Ebu, they came to us to get woods to make coffins for them. I can remember one of my cousins who died, Ndidi Iheme, a young girl. I was so fond of her and I watched her twitch to death because of hunger, not of Kwashiorkor.

Was there a time you thought you would die too?

Yes, there were. One time, I thought I would die of hunger. I was hungry to the point that I thought I would die because there was no food. The other was when we were leaving our camp in Inyiogugu in Imo State where the military police headquarters was. We were leaving there in a hurry because we heard that federal troops had captured some communities on the outskirts of that town. We packed all our ledgers, pay books, receipts and all kinds of things into a waiting lorry. We didn’t know federal troops had taken over the town. So, we had to fire our way out; we fired several shots and they also did. The terrible thing was that guns were all over the place, so anybody could pick up a gun and use it. We fired our way out and that was how we escaped from Inyiogugu.

The last incident occurred when the war ended. We were in a place in Orlu when Biafra surrendered and we were going back home. I remember the prisoners of war on the Biafran side had got so thin; you can imagine a prisoner of war in a country where there was no food. So, when they were released after the war ended, one of the adjutants, a captain, gave us guns to carry out mercy killing. I remember they couldn’t even walk. I remember when they gave me a rifle, I refused to do it and all the others also refused to kill them.

So we left and were trekking home. About 40km to my hometown, a soldier called me at the park as we were walking home. At that point, if there was any suspicion that you were a soldier, you were shot on the spot by the federal troops. The soldier took me to a side of the bush and said: “Look, remove your socks; they are military socks.” I remember I got the socks from our store and they were actually grey socks meant for officers. I said, “Thank you very much”. I removed the socks and gave them to him. It was at that point I threw away my pistol because if I was found with a pistol, that would be the end. That was how we escaped and went home.

Looking back today, what do you think about the war?

I think the war could have been avoided but I think the authorities on both sides made it degenerate. Each side was trying to test their popularity and how powerful they were. But I think that even though we got to the brink, we could have negotiated and ensured there was no war. A lot of us didn’t know the consequences of war but now, we know better. Sincerely, as a kid, I thought I could watch the war from my window having been used to watching ‘cowboy’ (Western) movies on TV. I thought it was going to be something like that. I also thought it would be like the fight between Goliath and David. We thought Biafra would bring their strong men, Nigeria will bring their strong men and the two sides would fight. And that one side would win and that would be it. We didn’t know that in a war, there is no place to hide. When they drop bombs, they don’t ask for your credentials.

Was it worth it?

If Nigeria had learnt its lessons from it, maybe we would have described it as a necessary sacrifice we needed to make to be a greater nation. If we had harnessed all the inventions and creativity that emanated from both sides, especially from the Biafran side, we would have been the better for it by now. When World War II ended, what angered Russia and the allied forces was that the US got into Germany and took its great scientists to their country, gave them American citizenship, empowered them to invest and create wonderful things.

For example, Adolf Hitler challenged German scientists to build a car that would not need water to run, and that was how the Volkswagen Beetle was made. That is why the Beetle engine is behind because it has air coolant. But we lost all that; if only we had harnessed all the things that came out from Biafra, maybe we would have said those who died paid the supreme sacrifice for Nigeria to be great.

I believe the war could have been avoided. The Aburi Accord had a lot of promises for both countries. It was close to what we had before the war started when each region, to a reasonable extent, enjoyed autonomy. That would have solved the problem. The regions had their foreign offices where they negotiated their trade agreements and all kinds of things. Now we are talking about community policing and all that. We now have a bloated Federal Government which cannot deal with many issues. Look at what the states are doing now, they are beginning to hand over schools back to the missions and to the private people who owned them. They’ve done that in Anambra. Anambra was one of the worst performing states in West African Senior School Certificate Examinations but it is now one of the best.

What I’m saying is that the war could have been avoided but since we couldn’t avoid it, we should have been able to harness some of the inventions that it brought. A lot of things happened; my father was in charge of transport in Umuahia, the transport directorate of Biafra, and I know some of the things they did. Do you know they were using coconut water in place of brake fluid? My elder brother was a musician during the war; he was the road manager of the Hikers, the best group in Biafra, and my immediate elder brother was a vocalist for the Blossoms. Do you know they were using brakes for motorcycles as guitar strings? There were all kinds of innovations because necessity is the mother of invention. We’ve found ourselves now in a situation where people waste things. Then we didn’t have wardrobes full of dresses but we were clothed; we knew how to manage the little things we had.

What you are saying is essence is that Nigeria never harnessed the potential it should from the war…

Yes, we lost it and so because of that, the war has become a blot for us, but nations who have fought wars were able to make it the stepping stone they needed to move to the next level of nationhood. Having felt the pain of secession and disunity, that pain should have helped us to forge a nation and come together as one.

Is that too late to do?

No, it is not late but Nigeria has to negotiate it. If you consider the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates, you would realise they were completely different entities. Let me give you a practical analogy, my wife is from the North and I am from the Soouth-East, but we found love and got married. She is of Yoruba extraction from Kogi State. We live in the North. We have learnt how to give and take. I’m beginning to like pepper in my food; we Igbo don’t eat as much pepper as Yoruba people but I’m beginning to like it. I now like a lot of oil in my soup; Igbo people don’t use it like that but Yoruba like it.

So in Nigeria, if we understand one another, we can renegotiate our being together because to me, being together is a practicable and favourable way to go. When the Super Eagles win, we don’t ask which local government the goal scorer comes from; the joy is shared by all. I have been married for 38 years and still counting. I am from the Biafran side and my wife is from the Nigerian side. If you give me another opportunity, I will go for a Kogi woman because I think they are the best. I can settle with the Igbo ladies later.

Do you think some of the things that led to the war are still there today?

They are there in a greater dimension. Nigeria lacks justice and equity. The suspicions are very much there. The Hausa suspect the Igbo; the Igbo suspect the Yoruba; the Yoruba suspect the Hausa; these suspicions are still there. There are templates we can copy from; how are they doing it in Kigali, how did they do it in South Africa? How has America come to become a nation even with the multiplicity of nationalities in it? It’s very clear that we missed the opportunity to use the Oputa Panel and National Conference to our advantage. The South Africans did it, and it was also done in Rwanda, so nothing stops Nigeria from picking from this template to see because our greatest problem is our inability to become a nation. Nigeria is still made up of enclaves and nationalities that command stronger loyalty than what we have for the nation. People will tell you that you are first an Igbo man before being a Nigerian and such things. Do you see the level of nationalism in Americans that make them weep when they win big for their country at the Olympics? Nigerians don’t have that kind of connection, empathy, and nationalism and it’s possible to build them.

What is your view about Nigeria today?

My view is that we are not leaving a future for the younger ones. What will make Nigerians stay in their country and work hard to make this place a better place is if the future looks bright. If there is a promise that tomorrow will be better than today, our youths will stay. But the picture they seeing, which the current generation of leaders are painting, is bleak. A youth who believes that tomorrow is likely to be worse than today will be ready to cross the Sahara Desert to Europe, instead of staying in this country.

What do you think about how Nigeria is being run?

Our leadership is a problem because everything comes from leadership. Show me a home where children respect elders, show me a place where children knock before they open doors, show me a place where children speak politely to elders, and I will show you a father who is in control of his home. By extension, it is the same thing in the country. The leadership is poor. Mustafa Atatürk changed the narrative of Turkey to the extent that he is so respected that no Turk is allowed to bear the name Atatürk today because of what that man did. In fact, the language they speak in Turkey is a completely new thing, a new contraption they set up to distinguish themselves from the Arab World which they say they are not.

Look at Israel today, the brand of Hebrew they are speaking today was started in 1948. Look at a leader changed Singapore, a small seaport where ships just stopped over and continued their journey. So in Nigeria, the leadership is the problem. If you ask people who are polygamous, they will tell you the father is the one who decides the way children from different mothers relate with one another. If the father is partial, he will not have peace in his house but if he is evenhanded and there is an evident demonstration of equity in the way he treats his children, you will see peace there. They will be united because of the example their father has set.

Do you agree that the Igbo are being marginalised in today’s Nigeria?

Of course, they are. As an Igbo man, I have always believed that. In 2008, I was chosen to be the Registrar of my institution, but there was a massive demonstration. The demonstration wasn’t against my competence, it wasn’t against my capacity; it was against my tribe and religion. If you go to Imo State, the same sentiments will be expressed against a Hausa man. If you go to Yorubaland, the same sentiments will be expressed against an Igbo man and if you go to the Igboland, the same sentiments will be expressed against a Yoruba man.

When the war ended, I remember my father was given £20, that couldn’t send us back to school. That wasn’t enough for him to get to Lagos and start his job. I had to become a barber; I cut hair for people in a whole camp in Ebuowerri. I had a friend called Sergeant Adebowale, he was a wonderful guy. I saw how bushy his hair was and I told him I could cut his hair. He sat down and I gave him a haircut. His friend also came and I gave him a haircut free of charge. I asked him if I could charge the rest of his people and he said yes; that was how I set up a shop and became a barber for the whole camp. I would start from 6am till it was dark and I couldn’t see their hair again. That was how I raised enough money to let my father go to Lagos and for my siblings to go back to school. If we had got what the North-East internally displaced persons are getting today, how the government, NGOs, foreign countries, and other came together to assist and build houses for them, the Igbo would have been the better for it.

When I returned home after the war, I was the first person to arrive in my compound; my people were all over the place as refugees. I saw dead bodies, some of which I buried. I didn’t know who they were; they were in an advanced state of rot. No single house was standing except my father’s house which was decked and which the federal troops used as their armoury. That was why that was the only house that was standing. Nobody rebuilt all these houses for them, our schools were in a terrible shape; there were no teachers and no special programme for education.

Some of us are poor in mathematics today because when it was getting close to the time for school certificate examination, it was our literature teacher who happened to have done mathematics in his days, that helped us. This kind of treatment was a far cry from the 3Rs (Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation) programme Yakubu Gowon had announced. If you noticed, the East was the first to have a state university because they felt they were not properly accommodated in other universities. If you check, the Igbo have the largest number of private businessmen dealing in all kinds of thing because access to government work was limited to them. If you also check the number of people who have travelled abroad to do all kinds of things, you will find Igbo people in large numbers because when you feel you are being persecuted in a place, you look for other shores.

Do you regret fighting and being exposed to death at that young age?

Yes and no. My regret is that there was no point fighting your brother. Look at me now, I am married to a northerner as it were, would you say I am sleeping with an enemy? But she’s the love of my life and yet she comes from the other side. The regret is there. The war ended in 1970, and I came to the North in 1978 for the National Youth Service Corps programme and honestly, I met the best of northerners and they remain my best friends. I didn’t want to leave Kano. I came to Bauchi and met people like the late Mohammed Abdullahi, Kabiru Garba Aminu, Lawal Toro, Professor Sani Sambo, and Professor Muhammadu Abdulazeez. These are great people.

I met people like Professor Abdullahi Adamu, Professor Suleiman Elias Bogoro, who are wonderful northerners. So on that note, I regret it. And yes, because the civil war made me made-in-Nigeria for tough times. At the age of 14, I saw it all and there is no condition I cannot survive today because of what the civil war made me. It gave me a completely new perspective to life, I am not afraid of challenges. I have also transferred the perspective to my family. My children don’t say no; there is nothing that is impossible for them. It will interest you to know that in my family, we have a slogan: “The Ihemes don’t fail.”

What’s the way forward for Nigeria?

The way forward is for two brothers who are quarrelling to sit down and talk. Why is there a sudden increase in the cases of banditry? Why is there a sudden increase in kidnapping and insurgency cases? Once there is this kind of feeling in a family, you must talk. We must ask what is happening to us as a nation. I think we should look at the Oputa Panel discussions in a way that is agreeable to all Nigerians. The North did not believe in it and so most of the heads of state from the North didn’t attend it. How do we come together to talk? Before this country became one, we had several constitutional conferences where people went to talk and looked at what should be our constitution. With what is happening now, there is a need for that convocation of ideas from divergent places, cultures and all sides of the divide. There is need for us to talk and we must talk as a nation.

BIAFRA : Group gives Uzodinma two weeks to vacate office

A pro-Biafran group, Biafra Zionists Federation, on Tuesday, gave the Imo State Governor, Hope Uzodinma, a two-week ultimatum to vacate the State Government House.

Leader of the group, Mr Benjamin Onwuka, gave the ultimatum at a press briefing, in Enugu on Tuesday.

He described Uzodinma as “an impostor who will never enjoy the support of Imo people owing to lack of legitimacy.”

Onwuka also faulted the prophecy given by the Spiritual Director, Adoration Ministry Enugu, Rev. Fr. Ejike Mbaka, to the effect that Uzodinma would transform the state.

He said, “God deals with facts not hearsay; that’s what he (Mbaka) does not understand.

“Our position is that a man who could not win even one local government area cannot preside over the affairs of Imo people.”

He explained that although the Zionists were “Biafrans”, they would not fold their hands and watch the destiny of their people frittered away.

Onwuka added, “Imo State is part of Biafra land for that reason, there is no way an impostor will come from nowhere to govern them. What is happening in Imo State affects every Igbo man.

“They clearly chose their governor through the ballot, so we are at a loss on how someone will jump from 4th to 1st position through the magic calculation of the court.

 “He has two weeks to vacate that seat and allow the rightful occupier, Emeka Ihedioha, to serve out his term.”

However, Uzodinma dismissed the group’s ultimatum, insisting that his mandate was legitimate.

The governor who spoke through his Chief Press Secretary, Ogwuike Nwachukwu, said, “What do they mean by illegitimacy, a mandate given by seven Supreme Court justices can’t be less legitimate. People, especially these groups should be mindful of things they say. The governor will not be distracted.”

BIAFRA : Biafra Zionists give Uzodinma 2-week ultimatum, rebuke Fr. Mbaka

Biafra agitators, under the aegis of Biafra Zionists Federation, BZF, on Tuesday, asked Governor Hope Uzodinma of Imo State to vacate office within two weeks.

The group gave the ultimatum through its self-acclaimed President, Barr. Benjamin Onwuka.

This is as he faulted the prophecy of Enugu Catholic Priest, Rev. Fr. Ejike Mbaka, stressing that “God deals with facts not hearsay”

He claimed that Uzodinma is “an impostor who will never enjoy the support of Imo people owing to lack of legitimacy.”

“We have watched with keen interest in developments in Imo State and have now come out to make our stand known.

“Our position is that a man who could not win even one local government area cannot preside over the affairs of Imo people,” Onwuka declared.

He noted that though the Zionists were ‘Biafrans’, they would not fold their hands and watch the destiny of their people pilfered away.

The Zionists leader declared that “Imo State is part of Biafra land and for that reason, there is no way an impostor will come from nowhere to govern them. What is happening in Imo State affects every Igbo man.

“They clearly chose their governor through the ballot, so we are at a loss on how someone will jump from 4th to 1st position through the magic calculation of the court.

“We have it on good authority that Uzodinma was brought in as part of the game plan to actualize the Islamization and Ruga agenda, but it will not stand.

“He has two weeks to vacate that seat and allow the rightful occupier, Emeka Ihedioha serve out his term.”

Onwuka also sounded a note of warning against defecting Imo lawmakers, saying that “they are going to pay a heavy price for that.”

He condemned the recent arrest of some of his members in Enugu, describing the action of the police as provocative.

BIAFRA : THE SCAM IN THE BIAFRA AGITATION PROCESS

Where is the map of Biafra?  This is the question I have often asked the promoters and sympathizers of the Biafra cause, and up till this moment, their responses have been feeble, vague, evasive and suspicious, failing to provide specific drawing showing a clearly defined territorial area called Biafra.

Why is the map of a potential sovereign state like the Republic of Biafra not being courageously and freely displayed like the way the flag is presented?  Recurring sight of the Biafra flag raises consciousness of it.  Once Biafra is mentioned, a mental picture of the flag pops, showing the rising sun along with the eleven rays symbolizing the provinces in Biafra.  But where is the map?

I am asking this question because of concerns being raised by neighbours sharing boundaries with the South East states to the South, specifically, the Niger Delta Region.  The fears of the Niger Delta people stem from its minority status and experience in the first separatist agitation and subsequent declaration of the former Eastern Region of Nigeria as an independent state of Biafra.

At the time, the present day, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Rivers and Bayelsa states were part of the former Eastern Region while Delta and Edo states known as Midwest Region were captured by the Biafra forces and declared Republic of Benin, even though, in their hearts, the region was part of Biafra despite the prevailing plural identities.

Indeed, this was the only reason why these states were sucked into the Biafra struggle without known prior consultation and consensus.  However, to allay the fears of the minorities and reassure them that they were safe within the Biafra union, Late Lt-Col Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu then appointed Late Major-General Philip Effiong, a minority from the present day Akwa Ibom State, as second-in-command in the Biafra hierarchy.

OPINION: POLITICAL EXCLUSION OF SOUTHEAST IS AFFIRMING THE PROPAGANDA OF BIAFRA EXTREMISTS

The geo-political setting of the country has since metamorphosed from the four-regional structure to six-geo-political grouping in consonant with ethnic, linguistics, cultural, historical, contiguous boundaries and affinity, leaving the Igbo in the South East geopolitical zone and, the minorities in the South-South or Niger Delta geopolitical area.

The present day agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra, both the faction led by the Movement for the Sovereign State of Biafra (MOSSOB) and the Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB) and their leaders, have at different events, expressed that the South-South geo-political zone or Niger Delta region is part of Biafra.

This position is stripped of respect for minorities and a demonstration of might in the quest for territorial expansion. How do you conscript an unwilling people from another region to be part of your conceived independent state without prior discussions and agreement on the form, organization and modality of administration?   Even if this is an effect of hallucination, how then can you be trusted?

It is this fear of domination and territorial ambition by the major ethnic groups that led to the setting up of the Willink Commission in 1957 to look into the fears of the minorities who were scared of the imbalance of the three-regional political structure, and this led to the creation of the fourth region, the Midwest in 1963.  By the body language, the Biafra gladiators are provoking a reenactment reminiscent of the old political structure.

Perhaps, the drivers of Biafra are still living in the past, unable to come to terms with reality that the Niger Delta is now a different geo-political area with its distinct political aspirations.  Perhaps, they are being misled by the word, Biafra and, the symbol of the Biafra flag.

The name, Biafra, has its origin from the Bight of Biafra, now Gulf of Guinea, a Portuguese name representing the West Coast from where waters flow into the Atlantic Ocean.  Biafra, still conjures false sense of one region based on the old four-regional structure.  The word, Biafra, no longer has geographical and historical relevance to the present South-East geopolitical area, but the South-South geo-political grouping.

The rising sun on the Biafra flag with the eleven rays representing the eleven provinces of Biafra under the old Eastern Region, is also misleading.  The Niger Delta region is no more part of the South-East geopolitical zone. The moment the old four-regional structure was dismantled and replaced with the six-geopolitical zones, the eleven provinces ceased to exist, and therefore can no longer be reflected on the Biafra flag, particularly when previous political affinities had also been terminated.

Unfortunately, the continued use of the symbol on the flag creates false sense of one region in the minds of the protagonists of Biafra with the eleven provinces.  It is time to recreate the map; otherwise, it is a scam.

Under the current dispensation, each geopolitical zone has its distinct socio-economic and political aspirations, which are now at liberty to develop at their paces.  This does not, however, exclude two or more geopolitical areas from forming an alliance in furtherance of their social, political and economic ambition, if they so wish, but this should be preceded and predicated upon a willful truce negotiated from a position of equality and respect for one another.

Governance is easy if one has nothing to hide.  The process becomes complex and difficult when there are hidden motives induced by entrenched interests and cover up.  Why are the drivers of the sovereign state of Biafra not making the Biafra map public and visible?  We see the flag, but where is the map?  Or is this a strategy to smuggle the Niger-Delta region through the backdoor into the Biafra dream?

As minorities, the South-South geo-political area also has a right to assert itself, particularly, in line with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) as adopted on September 13, 2007 within the context of their dignity, culture and survival as a people.  Besides, the United Nations Charter in Article 1 also recognizes the right of a people to self-determination for the realization of their cultural, economic, social and political dreams.

It was on the basis of this that President Muhammadu Buhari, as a military Head of State in 1984, supported the aspirations and right of the Sahrawi people for self-determination and independence despite the opposition of the Morocco’s government.  Buhari’s position then was based on the resolutions of the African Union (AU) on Western Sahara at the time.

The Niger Delta is no longer a kindergarten region.  It has all the resources required to deliver on its responsibilities as an independent state, if it so desires in line with the wishes of the people.   Thus, the scramble for the region by other regions for purposes of annexation is exercise in futility.  If in the event that emerging development in the country makes separatist agitation inevitable in the future, the Niger Delta region is capable of governing itself as an independent sovereign state.

It is the right of people to pursue their collective aspirations, particularly if they believe their common interest is being violated or endangered in a federation.  The Biafra people have a right to pursue their dreams, but this should be done within the context of their territorial boundaries without any intention or ambition of annexing other regions or any part thereof as part of its geographical area.  It is this element that makes the current agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra a scam.

Most countries that have attained independence today started with a struggle for self-determination, a process aimed at controlling their socio-economic and political destiny.  Once a decision is reached among a people to form a state, implicitly, there must be a delineated territory agreed as a sovereign boundary, and a government capable of meeting the needs of the people that could also interface with other countries.

Once this is settled, the next natural thing to do is to draw up a map depicting the proposed independent territory, even before a flag and other paraphernalia are developed.  This has been the trend in the struggle for self-determination.  Apart from sensitization, the map and the flag are used as symbols of appeal to shape and drive sentiments and collective aspirations of the people.

This same process was adopted by countries that had gained independence and those that are still in the trenches for independence. Thus, from Scotland to Catalonia, from Hong Kong to Siberia, from Tibet to Luhansk and from Crimea to Quebec, this is the pattern and trend.

Biafra needs to review its strategies and restore confidence among neighbouring boundaries, otherwise, a case of territorial ambition and annexation are implied, a discernment that is capable of thwarting and rendering its efforts unfeasible.

*** Michael Owhoko is a journalist, author and public relations consultant who has mostly worked in the banking, oil and gas, and media industries. He is also the publisher of Media Issues, an online newspaper that can be found at 

BIAFRA : The Scam In the Biafran Agitation Process, By Michael Owhoko

BIAFRA The Biafra people have a right to pursue their dreams, but this should be done within the context of their territorial boundaries without any intention or ambition of annexing other regions or any part thereof as part of their geographical area. It is this element that makes the current agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra a scam.

Where is the map of Biafra? This is the question I have often asked the promoters and sympathisers of the Biafra cause, and up till this moment, their responses have been feeble, vague, evasive and suspicious; failing to provide a specific drawing showing a clearly defined territorial area called Biafra.

Why is the map of a potential sovereign state like the Republic of Biafra not being courageously and freely displayed, like the way the flag is routinely presented? The recurring sight of the Biafra flag raises consciousness of it; once Biafra is mentioned, a mental picture of the flag pops, showing the rising sun along with the eleven rays symbolising the provinces of Biafra. But where is the map?

I am asking this question because of concerns being raised by neighbours sharing boundaries with the South-East states to the South, specifically, the Niger Delta region. The fears of the Niger Delta people stem from its minority status and experience in the first separatist agitation and subsequent declaration of the former Eastern Region of Nigeria as an independent state of Biafra.

At the time, the present day Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Rivers and Bayelsa States were part of the former Eastern Region, while Delta and Edo States, known as the Midwest Region, were captured by the Biafra forces and declared as the Republic of Benin, even though, in their hearts, the region was part of Biafra, despite the prevailing plural identities.

Indeed, this was the only reason why these states were sucked into the Biafra struggle without known prior consultation and consensus. However, to allay the fears of the minorities and reassure them that they were safe within the Biafra union, Late Lt-Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu then appointed late Major-General Philip Effiong, a minority from the present day Akwa Ibom State, as second-in-command in the Biafra hierarchy.

The geo-political setting of the country has since metamorphosed from the four-regional structure to a six-geo-political grouping, in consonant with ethnic, linguistic, cultural, historical, coupled with contiguous boundaries and affinity, leaving the Igbo in the South-East geopolitical zone, and the minorities in the South-South or Niger Delta geopolitical area.

The present day agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra – both the faction led by the Movement for the Sovereign State of Biafra (MOSSOB) and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and their leaders – have, at different events, expressed that the South-South geo-political zone or Niger Delta region is part of Biafra.

This position is stripped of respect for minorities and a demonstration of might in the quest for territorial expansion. How do you conscript an unwilling people from another region to be part of your conceived independent state without prior discussions and agreement on the form, organisation and modality of administration? Even if this is an effect of hallucination, how then can you be trusted?

The rising sun on the Biafra flag, with the eleven rays representing the eleven provinces of Biafra under the old Eastern Region, is also misleading. The Niger Delta region is no more part of the South-East geopolitical zone. The moment the old four-regional structure was dismantled and replaced with the six-geopolitical zones, the eleven provinces ceased to exist…

It is this fear of domination and territorial ambition by the major ethnic groups that led to the setting up of the Willink Commission in 1957 to look into the fears of the minorities who were scared of the imbalance of the three-regional political structure, and this led to the creation of the fourth region, the Midwest in 1963. By their body language, the Biafra gladiators are provoking a reenactment reminiscent of the old political structure.

Perhaps, the drivers of Biafra are still living in the past, unable to come to terms with reality that the Niger Delta is now a different geo-political area with its distinct political aspirations. Perhaps, they are being misled by the word ‘Biafra’ and the symbol of the Biafran flag.

The name, Biafra, has its origin from the Bight of Biafra, now Gulf of Guinea, a Portuguese name representing the West Coast from where waters flow into the Atlantic Ocean. Biafra still conjures a false sense of one region based on the old four-regional structure. The word, Biafra, no longer has geographical and historical relevance to the present South-East geopolitical area, but the South-South geopolitical grouping.

The rising sun on the Biafra flag, with the eleven rays representing the eleven provinces of Biafra under the old Eastern Region, is also misleading. The Niger Delta region is no more part of the South-East geopolitical zone. The moment the old four-regional structure was dismantled and replaced with the six-geopolitical zones, the eleven provinces ceased to exist, and therefore can no longer be reflected on the Biafra flag, particularly when previous political affinities have also been terminated.

Unfortunately, the continued use of the symbol on the flag creates a false sense of one region in the minds of the protagonists of Biafra, with its eleven provinces. It is time to recreate the map; otherwise, it is a scam.

Under the current dispensation, the different geopolitical zones, having their distinct socio-economic and political aspirations, are now at liberty to develop at their individual paces. This does not, however, exclude two or more geopolitical areas forming an alliance in furtherance of their social, political and economic ambitions, if they so wish, but this would be preceded and predicated upon a free collaboration negotiated from a position of equality and respect for one another.

Governance is easy if one has nothing to hide. The process becomes complex and difficult when there are hidden motives and cover ups by entrenched interests. Why are the drivers of the sovereign state of Biafra not making the Biafra map public and visible? We see the flag, but where is the map? Or is this a strategy to smuggle the Niger-Delta region into the Biafra dream through the backdoor?

Biafra needs to review its strategies and restore confidence among neighbouring boundaries, otherwise, a case of territorial ambition and annexation are implied, a discernment that is capable of thwarting and rendering its efforts unfeasible.

As minorities, the South-South geo-political area also has a right to assert itself, particularly in line with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), as adopted on September 13, 2007, within the context of their dignity, culture and survival as a people. Besides, the United Nations Charter in Article 1 also recognises the right of a people to self-determination for the realisation of their cultural, economic, social and political dreams.

It was on the basis of this that President Muhammadu Buhari, as a military head of state in 1984, supported the aspirations and right of the Sahrawi people for self-determination and independence, despite the opposition of the Morocco’s government. Buhari’s position then was on the basis of the resolutions of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) on Western Sahara at the time.

The Niger Delta is no longer a kindergarten region. It has all the resources required to deliver on its responsibilities as an independent state, if it so desires in line with the wishes of the people. Thus, the scramble for the region by other regions for purposes of annexation is an exercise in futility. If in the event that emerging development in the country makes separatist agitation inevitable in the future, the Niger Delta region is capable of governing itself as an independent sovereign state.
It is the right of people to pursue their collective aspirations, particularly if they believe their common interest is being violated or endangered in a federation. The Biafra people have a right to pursue their dreams, but this should be done within the context of their territorial boundaries without any intention or ambition of annexing other regions or any part thereof as part of their geographical area. It is this element that makes the current agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra a scam.

Most countries that have attained independence today started with a struggle for self-determination, a process aimed at controlling their socio-economic and political destiny. Once a decision is reached among a people to form a state, implicitly, there must be a delineated territory agreed as a sovereign boundary, and a government capable of meeting the needs of the people that could also interface with other countries.

Once this is settled, the next natural thing to do is to draw up a map depicting the proposed independent territory, even before a flag and other paraphernalia are developed. This has been the trend in the struggle for self-determination. Apart from sensitisation, the map and the flag are used as symbols of appeal to shape and drive sentiments and collective aspirations of the people.

This same process was adopted by countries that had gained independence and those still in the trenches for independence. Thus, from Scotland to Catalonia, from Hong Kong to Siberia, from Tibet to Luhansk and from Crimea to Quebec, this is the pattern and trend.

Biafra needs to review its strategies and restore confidence among neighbouring boundaries, otherwise, a case of territorial ambition and annexation are implied, a discernment that is capable of thwarting and rendering its efforts unfeasible.

Nnamdi Kanu Explodes Over Ohanaeze’s Support For Amotekun

The leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu, has berated Ohanaeze Ndigbo for supporting Amotekun, a region security outfit established by Southwest governors.

Naija News reports that the statement of the IPOB leader is coming after he vowed to support the newly established South-west security outfit with one million men.

This online news platform recalls that governors from Oyo, Ogun, Osun, Ondo, Ekiti, and Lagos States had in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital established the security outfit.

The southwest governors explained that Amotekun was established to tackle the issues of insecurity in the Southwest.

But the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, had asked south-west governors to disband the security outfit.

Malami said that no other authority at the state level, whether the executive or legislature has the legal authority over defence.

“The setting up of the paramilitary organization called “Amotekun” is illegal and runs contrary to the provisions of the Nigerian law.

Reacting to the AGF’s statement, Kanu had said that the: “IPOB will back AMOTEKUN Security Outfit. AMOTEKUN is not going anywhere. They are here to stay and IPOB will support them.”

However, despite his support for the security outfit, the IPOB leader in a recent broadcast on Radio Biafra, berated Nnia Nwodo, the Ohanaeze Ndigbo President-General for commending ” Yoruba for setting up Amotekun.”

Kanu wondered why Nwodo who kicked against Biafra Security Service (BSS) set up by his group (IPOB), would support another security outfit with same aim as the BSS.

The IPOB leader said: “Nnia Nwodo is commending Yoruba for setting up Amotekun but, they kicked against BSS and proscribed IPOB.”