Biafra Agitation Broke Into Factions Under Kanu, Mefor, Dokubo Over Money, Others— Intel Report

The factions springing up in the Indigenous Peoples Of Biafra among Nnamdi Kanu, Asari Dokubo and Uche Mefor, are largely because of financial resources and control, according to a report by the SB Morgen Intelligence.

The African-focused research firm, in its March 2021 report, which focused on IPOB, revealed that the Biafran group at the moment “is seriously fractured, with many erstwhile key members now either with Mr Mefor or charting their own course.”

 

IPOB Members

At a press conference on Saturday, March 13, 2021, Dokubo, a former President of the Ijaw Youth Council, and the founder of the Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force, had said he was the Chairman of the implementation committee for a new organisation called the Biafra Customary Government.

But absent from the press conference were the representatives of the Nnamdi Kanu’s IPOB, who had been vocal in the agitation in recent years.

The SB Intel report stated that Mefor, formerly Nnamdi Kanu’s deputy in IPOB, and Ralph Uwazuruike, founder of the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra, were however in attendance at Dokubo’s meeting, fuelling fresh realignments in the agitation and the sidelining of Kanu.

It said, “The absence of Mr Kanu from the meeting brings into the open a fracture within the secessionist movement in the former Eastern Region of Nigeria. Mr Mefor, Mr Uwazurike and Mr Dokubo have come together to form a 'government' with Mr Dokubo as chairman, Mr Mefor as Information Officer, and George Onyibe, a former top IPOB member who fell out with Mr Kanu in September 2020.

“The issue which has splintered IPOB is one of control and money. Mr Kanu forced Mr Mefor out of IPOB after a faction of the UK chapter, led by Mefor, asked for an account of funds raised.

“Following that request, Kanu abolished the position of Deputy Leader (the position occupied by Mefor), but many members of the UK chapter remained loyal to Mefor who many see as a better organiser than Kanu.

Mr Mefor is also registered as the deputy director of the organisation in the UK, which means that Mr Kanu’s abolition of the position of Deputy Leader did not affect his official status.

“As the membership of the group divided behind both men, Kanu raised the stakes on 3 March when he announced the dissolution of the UK chapter of IPOB in a radio broadcast.

“All the sources we spoke to were certain that while he is nowhere near as charismatic, Mr Mefor is a far better organiser than Mr Kanu. From a Nigerian perspective, this means that he is more dangerous. Mr Dokubo aligning with Mefor probably amplifies the threat to the country’s oil economy, even though the bigger threat from the Niger Delta remains Government 'Tompolo' Ekpemukpolo.”

The report noted that the Mefor group aligning with Dokubo would have a stronger effect on the southern region, “with the Niger Delta militants able to respond in kind to any provocations by Nigerian security forces.”

“Uche Mefor, like Ralph Uwazurike, believes in non-violent agitation and the lobbying of world powers to achieve an aim that they believe the entire region that comprised the defunct state of Biafra subscribes to. This is in stark contrast with the actions of IPOB’s paramilitary wing, the Eastern Security Network, which is operated by the faction of IPOB loyal to Kanu.

“Mefor’s non-violent approach is likely to gain him more support amongst the Igbo middle class who are afraid of a repeat of the scorched earth kind of war that was fought 50 years ago. Most of those who may support the Mefor group are those especially turned off by Kanu’s abrasive tactics which have earned him more enemies in high places both within South-East Nigeria and without,” the report added.

FG Dismisses Dokubo’s Formation of Biafra Customary Govt

 

The Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, yesterday described the reported formation of Biafra Customary Government by ex-militant leader, Mr. Asari Dokubo, as a “theatre of the absurd by a joker seeking attention.”

He told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in Lagos that President Muhammadu Buhari will not be distracted by the absurdity.He said: “I am sure you have heard of the theatre of the absurd; that is the best way I can describe it.

“If Asari Dokubo wants to form and run a phantom government, I think he is free to do so.

“This administration will not be distracted because we still have a lot to do.”

He said the federal government would not give any attention or time to a joker like Dokubo who said was just looking for attention.
“We will just take it as one of these entertainment things.

“The beauty of Nigeria is that it is never a dull country, you must have one thing or the other to entertain you,” he said.

MASSOB disagree over Asari-Dokubo’s Biafra govt declaration

 

THE Pan Niger Delta Forum and the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra have disagreed on Sunday’s declaration of a new Biafran de facto government by a former Niger Delta militant leader, Alhaji Mujahid Asari-Dokubo.

Asari-Dokubo, apart from declaring himself the leader of the new Biafra de facto government, had announced names of some officials, who would work with him.

The former agitator, who cited injustice and marginalisation against the Igbo in various zones of the country as reasons for seeking a better life for his people, said in a statement that the new Biafra administration would set up a provincial structure of government.

But while PANDEF expressed dissatisfaction over the declaration and called for the restructuring of the country instead, MASSOB described Asari-Dokubo’s action as a welcome development.

The spokesman for PANDEF, Mr Ken Robinson, said though the bias under the current regime was a contributory factor to the increasing call for secession by some ethnic nationalities, the forum was not created as a secessionist group.

Robinson told The PUNCH on Monday, “We are not aware of the ethnic nationalities in the Niger Delta region that have communicated to us where they belong. We have seen some maps of ethnic nationalities or so-called republics, where some parts of the Niger Delta are crafted into Oduduwa Republic.

“We have also seen maps that have been made concerning Biafra Republic, where some other parts of Rivers, Bayelsa, Cross River, Akwa Ibom and Delta states have also been crafted into the so-called Biafra Republic.

“But the Pan Niger Delta Forum is not a secessionist organisation. We believe in one Nigeria, but our concern is the way and manner the country is being governed. So, we are asking for the restructuring of the country for it to attain true federalism.”

enough to remedy Nigeria-Biafra war injustices

 

 

People return to the past for different reasons. For some, it is to recover an idea of a glorious past, a memory which may be pertinent for present and future reconstructive projects. For others, it is to seek the origins of a trauma in order to heal a wounded present.

Communities sometimes remember atrocity through practices like rendering of apology, acknowledgement of past wrongs, truth and reconciliation commissions, or Remembrance Day activities.

One example is the wearing of poppies as an international symbol of remembering the fallen soldiers of World War 1. There is also the establishment of the Kigali Genocide Memorial as a site of remembrance and healing. Another example is South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation that was set up to help deal with apartheid related trauma.

Nigeria, in the early 2000s, attempted to deploy the transitional and restorative justice mechanisms following the model of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. But this hardly had any impact on reparations for pre and post Nigeria-Biafra war wounds and other atrocities committed during the military era.

See what others are saying about this article on twitter.

Nigeria-Biafra war

The ethnic politics that pervaded Nigeria after independence led to the coup of 1966 and the anti-Igbo pogrom in Northern Nigeria. Also, the military leaders of the Eastern Region (led by Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu) and the Nigerian military government (led by Yakubu Gowon) failed to agree on how to solve the crisis of governance in the country. This caused the government of the Eastern Region to declare its independence from Nigeria in May 1967. The region called itself the sovereign state of Biafra.

These events were the catalyst for the war in which about 1 million to 3 million people, mostly Igbo civilians, are believed to have died. Civilian locations were bombed and people starved, sometimes to death, based on the military’s government war policy of food blockade. The war ended with Biafra’s surrender on January 15 1970.

Following the end of warfare in 1970, the government began implementing what it called a policy of Three Rs: reconstruction, rehabilitation and reintegration. It also built a moribund war museum in Abia state displaying some of the armoury used by the Biafran and Nigerian militaries during the war. The state inaugurated no official commemoration of the war, save for an annual military event every January 15.

There is a recent trend among scholars to support the use of memory or memorial practices as a remedy to the Nigeria-Biafra War past. We reviewed these scholarly works and made two observations. First, they frame the nature of the violence in a misleading way. Second, they lack a vision of justice.

We argue that resorting to memory practice to remedy injustices associated with the Nigeria-Biafra War is a symptom of a national (and international) unwillingness to deal with the political preconditions that made the war possible. It is merely a symbolic exercise that fails to confront a violent system. What needs to happen is some form of political justice to confront the pre-conditions of war.

Memory

An underlying assumption of memory studies has been to consider the past as a repository of repressed traumas that return in different forms to haunt the present.

The general assumption is that the remedy has to be a reckoning with the traumas, traditions or glories of the past. For memory scholars like Tzvetan Todorov, the appeal to memory as a remedy rests on the idea that collective remembering could heal group traumas and that if people remember the evil committed in the past, they can strive to avoid it in the present and the future.

Some scholars, like author and policy analyst David Rieff, have rejected the notion that remembering holds the potential for healing. As he would have it, remembrance often sows the seeds of future conflicts.

For us, it is the manner in which remembering is done that holds the potential for violence, not remembering per se. Our inclination in the context of dealing with the traumatic past of war in Nigeria is to argue both against memory and against forgetting. We suggest that talking about memory is a distraction from the question of justice. Only a resort to political justice can hold some promise for thinking about political redress in situations of violence spurred by political actions.

Our proposal

What would justice entail in the aftermath of the Nigeria-Biafra war? We’ve considered three notions of justice: criminal, reconciliatory and political.

The aim of criminal justice is basically to punish. The Nigerian military government defeated Biafra militarily and could not prosecute itself for crimes it committed before and during the war. Hence, this vision of justice seems unrealistic.

Reconciliatory justice aims for a kind of fair relation between individuals or groups and their society. In this instance, it would mean acknowledging the perspective of all victim fairly in the official national memory. This idea of justice assumes that Nigeria’s continuing problems are a matter of unfair acknowledgement of victim memories. And it assumes that these problems can be solved through socio-cultural activities of memorialisation and formal acknowledgement. 

Political justice aims for political reforms that recognise the political nature of the crisis in the postcolonial state. The goal is to rethink or reform the political structures of colonially imposed governance. The same exclusionary political structures that led to the political crises and massacres across Nigeria in the 1960s have remained firmly in place.

This political structure – which hinges on a colonial vision of nationhood that refuses to devolve governing powers to its composite territories – has failed. It has continued to reproduce the kinds of ethnic politics and violence witnessed since Nigeria’s “independence” from Britain.

Thus, only committed thinking and action around political justice can potentially tackle the crisis of statehood and citizenship still confronting Nigeria today. This kind of thinking and action must offer a negotiated political reform based on recreating a state that is responsible, acceptable, legitimate to its members, and where power is devolved and decentralised to all constituencies.

People return to the past for different reasons. For some, it is to recover an idea of a glorious past, a memory which may be pertinent for present and future reconstructive projects. For others, it is to seek the origins of a trauma in order to heal a wounded present.

Communities sometimes remember atrocity through practices like rendering of apology, acknowledgement of past wrongs, truth and reconciliation commissions, or Remembrance Day activities.

One example is the wearing of poppies as an international symbol of remembering the fallen soldiers of World War 1. There is also the establishment of the Kigali Genocide Memorial as a site of remembrance and healing. Another example is South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation that was set up to help deal with apartheid related trauma.

Nigeria, in the early 2000s, attempted to deploy the transitional and restorative justice mechanisms following the model of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. But this hardly had any impact on reparations for pre and post Nigeria-Biafra war wounds and other atrocities committed during the military era.

See what others are saying about this article on twitter.

Nigeria-Biafra war

The ethnic politics that pervaded Nigeria after independence led to the coup of 1966 and the anti-Igbo pogrom in Northern Nigeria. Also, the military leaders of the Eastern Region (led by Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu) and the Nigerian military government (led by Yakubu Gowon) failed to agree on how to solve the crisis of governance in the country. This caused the government of the Eastern Region to declare its independence from Nigeria in May 1967. The region called itself the sovereign state of Biafra.

These events were the catalyst for the war in which about 1 million to 3 million people, mostly Igbo civilians, are believed to have died. Civilian locations were bombed and people starved, sometimes to death, based on the military’s government war policy of food blockade. The war ended with Biafra’s surrender on January 15 1970.

Following the end of warfare in 1970, the government began implementing what it called a policy of Three Rs: reconstruction, rehabilitation and reintegration. It also built a moribund war museum in Abia state displaying some of the armoury used by the Biafran and Nigerian militaries during the war. The state inaugurated no official commemoration of the war, save for an annual military event every January 15.

There is a recent trend among scholars to support the use of memory or memorial practices as a remedy to the Nigeria-Biafra War past. We reviewed these scholarly works and made two observations. First, they frame the nature of the violence in a misleading way. Second, they lack a vision of justice.

We argue that resorting to memory practice to remedy injustices associated with the Nigeria-Biafra War is a symptom of a national (and international) unwillingness to deal with the political preconditions that made the war possible. It is merely a symbolic exercise that fails to confront a violent system. What needs to happen is some form of political justice to confront the pre-conditions of war.

Memory

An underlying assumption of memory studies has been to consider the past as a repository of repressed traumas that return in different forms to haunt the present.

The general assumption is that the remedy has to be a reckoning with the traumas, traditions or glories of the past. For memory scholars like Tzvetan Todorov, the appeal to memory as a remedy rests on the idea that collective remembering could heal group traumas and that if people remember the evil committed in the past, they can strive to avoid it in the present and the future.

Some scholars, like author and policy analyst David Rieff, have rejected the notion that remembering holds the potential for healing. As he would have it, remembrance often sows the seeds of future conflicts.

For us, it is the manner in which remembering is done that holds the potential for violence, not remembering per se. Our inclination in the context of dealing with the traumatic past of war in Nigeria is to argue both against memory and against forgetting. We suggest that talking about memory is a distraction from the question of justice. Only a resort to political justice can hold some promise for thinking about political redress in situations of violence spurred by political actions.

Our proposal

What would justice entail in the aftermath of the Nigeria-Biafra war? We’ve considered three notions of justice: criminal, reconciliatory and political.

The aim of criminal justice is basically to punish. The Nigerian military government defeated Biafra militarily and could not prosecute itself for crimes it committed before and during the war. Hence, this vision of justice seems unrealistic.

Reconciliatory justice aims for a kind of fair relation between individuals or groups and their society. In this instance, it would mean acknowledging the perspective of all victim fairly in the official national memory. This idea of justice assumes that Nigeria’s continuing problems are a matter of unfair acknowledgement of victim memories. And it assumes that these problems can be solved through socio-cultural activities of memorialisation and formal acknowledgement. 

Political justice aims for political reforms that recognise the political nature of the crisis in the postcolonial state. The goal is to rethink or reform the political structures of colonially imposed governance. The same exclusionary political structures that led to the political crises and massacres across Nigeria in the 1960s have remained firmly in place.

This political structure – which hinges on a colonial vision of nationhood that refuses to devolve governing powers to its composite territories – has failed. It has continued to reproduce the kinds of ethnic politics and violence witnessed since Nigeria’s “independence” from Britain.

Thus, only committed thinking and action around political justice can potentially tackle the crisis of statehood and citizenship still confronting Nigeria today. This kind of thinking and action must offer a negotiated political reform based on recreating a state that is responsible, acceptable, legitimate to its members, and where power is devolved and decentralised to all constituencies.

Agitations For Self-Determination –Biafra War Veteran, Ohuabunwa

 

The President of Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria, Mazi Ohuabunwa says the ethnic groups complaining of injustice and marginalisation in Nigeria will always demand self-determination.

He stated that agitations for independence across the globe are tools used by federating units of a country to seek justice from the central government.

 

Ohuabunwa told SaharaReporters on Wednesday while speaking about different agitations across the country prominently from Igbo and Yoruba people, seeking Biafra nation and the Oduduwa Republic respectively.

The Biafra War veteran said, “Do you know when the Biafra agitation started? The Biafra War was from 1967 to 1970. Then in 1999, Ralph Uwazuruike started a fresh agitation through the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB). That was when (President Olusegun) Obasanjo was in power. So, it’s been long that the agitation started, before Nnamdi Kanu came to start his own called Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB).

“You know anywhere you have a federation, there will always be one group or the other who are campaigning for separation. Look at the case of Scotland and the British Government. Sometimes, these agitations are used as a standard to check what the federation is not doing right. That is one.

“Number two, in the case of Nigeria, because of the perceived marginalisation, perceived injustice towards certain segments of the country, the agitations now become more prominent. And that’s why you are having the IPOB. But, you know of Oduduwa Republic, Arewa Republic and others.

“These are because of current feelings of injustice from different segments of federating units in the country. And the solution is to cure the injustice. That’s the solution, not demonise one group, but for us to see the reason why these agitations are coming up.”

Ohuabunwa, however, said the disintegration of a country cannot be done by a certain aggrieved group, rather it has to be discussed by all groups involved.

“The agitations can be realised but not by one group. It is going to be realised when this country says this is the way we want to go, and the country goes that way. You can’t realise self-determination by one group. If one group can realise it, we would have realised Biafra in 1967 when we went to war or when we declared it independent. It can’t be done with the use of arms.

“It has to be by agreement with other sections of the federation. You can’t force secession unless you are going into a rebellion. And rebellion comes with its consequences. So, it has been by negotiation, by discussion and eventually if all the groups see that your breaking away will be good for you or good for us, then they let you out.”

The elder statesman, who is also the Convener of a New Nigeria Group, said he would be in the race to become president in 2023 to unite the country. He also clamoured for the rotation formula of the presidency and the fact that no region owns Nigeria.

“The reason I’m coming out to be president is to unite this country against all these injustices and shortcomings. God is ready to answer our prayers of restoring this country and that’s why people like me are coming out. My aim is to unite the country. The country is not owned by anybody. It is not owned by the North or the South, East or West. Nigeria is owned by all of us.

“If we don’t do something about our rights, other people will take our rights. The country belongs to all of us. That’s why we said if the leadership of the country can be rotated, let’s rotate it. In the process, we will see other methods of leadership that can help improve the unity of the country, to help the economy.”

He advocated for peace and channelling the motivation towards building the nation.

According to him, agitations will not cease until the maltreatment of some groups in the country is addressed by the Nigerian government.

“The unity of the country by one group threatening each other. It doesn’t work that way. If we keep on like this, we will remain unstable for many years. The energy we should channel to creating jobs, doing lucrative business, building the economy are diverted to buying arms and killing one another. All this must stop.

“Everybody has one share each in this country, and you can contribute and also make your voice heard. Most of the things we’ve been doing in this country are that some of us, including me have been writing, criticising, blaming without doing anything. I think we need to do something.

“All the agitations will go on in as much as there is no effort made to assuage the feelings to correct and repair every perception or every feeling of injustice or maltreatment or marginalisation. There are too many unhappy people in this country. How do we turn this country into a place of happiness for all of us? Like I said, if we want to create a republic, we can sit down and discuss.”

Declaration Of The Biafra De Facto Customary Government By Ij Onuigbo

https://saviournicodemus.blogspot.com/2021/03/how-to-make-money-on-internet-today.html 

The embattled people of Biafra lost the civil war between 1963 to 1967 when over three million Biafrans were massacred by the Nigeria State for wanting out of the British colonial contraption.  They survived the crimes against them and have not given up the hope to be able to govern themselves and take care of their people the way the Nigeria State have never cared to do.  For decades post-civil war, the Biafran people, among other suffering Nigerians, have cried and complained about the injustices and total disregard of individual human and civil rights allowed to fester and proliferate in Nigeria by the government.  The Nigerian government have been totally incapable of protecting and providing for the people.  The government is filled with corrupt, selfish, and uneducated individuals devoid of any knowledge on how to build and manage a nation; but they are experts on how to inflate their individual salaries and allowances, without regard for majority of the masses living in abject poverty.  As we speak, the Nigeria government have practically sold the country to China through massive debts that may never be repaired to China; and the monies are syphoned by officials and hardly beneficial to the masses in any way.

Things are so bad in Nigeria presently that the U.S. Department of State have issued a travel advisory against travels to Nigeria due to a long list of terrorist activities, among covid19 concerns, that have engulfed many parts of the country, such as Kidnapping for ransom, ethnic cleansing by animal herders, mob violence activities, to name but a few.  Sometimes in the year 2020, the U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria in a speech, said that Nigerians know what to do to solve their problems.  The ambassador said that Nigerians do not need anybody to tell them what to do.  He named several things that Nigerians needed to do to help themselves.  I believe that his speech was inspired by the constant call by Nigerians for America and other western countries to come and help them solve their problems.  The ambassador made it clear that only Nigerians can solve their problems and the western countries are counting on them to do so.  And the fact is that every country has their own problems; so, to expect another country to come and fix your own country for you is naïve and infantile thinking.

It is beginning to gradually dawn on the Nigerian masses that help is not coming from anywhere outside of themselves.  This realization sparked a massive protest in 2020 when the youths stormed the streets to protest the SARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) which got the hashtag #ENDSARS and galvanized global support.  The SARS squad was commissioned by the Nigeria police to fight the various terrorist activities like armed robbery and kidnapping in the country, but the squad became the terrorists robbing and killing the people they were established to protect.  And that protest produced great results as the Nigerian government permanently abolished the SARS squad, while still working to meet all the demands made by the masses. 

 

In the same spirit, the Biafran people, in unity, have decided to take their destiny into their own hands and take the bulls by the horn once again by formally resurrecting their quest for self-actualization.  On March 13, 2021, the Biafra De Facto Customary Government was declared by the leader, Alhaji Mujahid Asari Dokubo, a tried and tested former militant leader and patriot of the Biafran nation.  In his declaration speech, he named the individuals that will be assisting him in the service to the Biafran people while he also called on those who want to volunteer themselves for service to come forward.  The current leadership of the Biafra De Facto Customary Government are: Alhaji Mujahid Asari Dokubo – Chairman, Mrs. Rita Anigbogu – Deputy Chairlady, Diokpa George Onyeibe – Secretary (George Onyibe is also interim administrator for Biafra Nation), Diokpa Uche Mefor – Head of Information/Communications (Uche Mefor is also the director of Biafra Human Fundamental Rights Radio and Biafra Nation), Barrister Emeka Emekesiri – Legal Affairs.

The chairman, Alhaji Asari Dokubo, spoke on the marginalization of the Biafran people by the Nigeria government, saying that Biafrans can no longer play “second fiddle” to the rest of Nigerians especially the Fulani ruling class where the proceeds from natural resources of the Biafran people are used to construct roads and other infrastructure in the northern and western parts of Nigerian while the Biafran people are excluded.  It is important to note that the crude oil produced by Nigeria belongs to the Biafran people but used to develop other parts of Nigeria excluding the people on whose land it is mined.  The lands where the oil is mined, and surrounding areas have been polluted by oil.  The land can no longer be used for agriculture.  And on top of all that, the people are neglected and excluded from development.  It is quite a blatant maltreatment of a people whose natural resources feeds the nation.  

Alhaji Asari Dokubo named three areas of focus by the de facto government, which are Security, Science & Technology, and Health.  He explained that they will not pull guns and weapons against Nigeria but that they will secure and protect the Biafran people.  He also mentioned that the de facto customary government will be charged with educating the people in science and technology to grow the minds that will innovate cutting edge technologies that will develop the people’s economy.  And finally, he said that the customary government will also concentrate on developing healthful measures to amplify the health and lives of the Biafran people.  These things do not happen in a vacuum, they happen because the government is incompetent, because people are suffering, and the government officials do not care about the plight of the people.  The government officials only care about themselves. So, it seems about time that the people find a way to save themselves.

It is particularly important also to note that what is needed for all suffering Nigerians to triumph over the evil and corruption going on in Nigeria is for them to unite beyond tribe and religion to stand against the oppressive Fulani cabal.  Religion is not the problem except when people make it a problem.  Countries like Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, USA, and Britain live in civil harmony among people of various religions ideologies including Christians and Muslims.  Also, notice that the Biafra de facto customary government have both Muslim and Christians in their leadership.  So, again, religion and tribe should not divide a people.  The dividing line should be the good people vs the wicked corrupt and selfish cabals in all areas of Nigeria.  Therefore, all well-meaning Nigerians should rise in support of each other regardless of tribe and religion; otherwise, you will forever be conquered and powerless.

Asari Dokubo forms Biafra Customary Government

 

 

https://saviournicodemus.blogspot.com/2021/03/how-to-make-money-on-internet-today.html

Leader of the Niger Delta Peoples Salvation Force Asari Dokubo has declared the formation of Biafra Customary Government (BCG).

He also named officials who will serve as leaders with him.

Dokubo vowed to set up provincial structures, declaring the Federal Government cannot stop him.

In a statement by BCG’s head of information and communications, Uche Mefor, Dokubo added that they would proceed to set up provincial structures for the new government.

“We as people have resolved that as Biafra, it’s time for us to take our destiny in our hands and bring freedom to ourselves and our children and the generation of Biafrans yet unborn,” he said.

“I hesitate a little but I thank God that it’s time for us to do our duty and our service to motherland, I have accepted this role. I have dedicated my life hundred percent to play this role.

“My first act today in taking this position is to name those who would be on the driver’s seat to navigate through this period of tempest, this period of uncertainty with me.

“I want to call on our brother, George Onyibe to come on board to join as the secretary of the defacto customary government of the State of Biafra. He will take care of the administrative, day to day administration of the Biafra State.

“I also call on our brother Emeka Emeka Esiri to take care of the legal needs of this nascent government.

“My brothers and sisters, the four of us will kick start the process, others will come on board. We want volunteers who are committed, we want volunteers because there is nothing anymore. We are the people who have volunteered to salvage ourselves and the rest of us.

“I also call on Biafrans in the various province of the Biafra nations in Aba, Abakiliki, Anang, Awka, Calabar, Degema, Eket, Enough, Nsuka, Ogoja, Oji River, Okigwe, Onitsha, Opobo, Orlu, Owerri, Port Harcourt, Umuahia, Uyo and Yenegoa province.

 

“We are going to proceed to set up provincial structures of government starting with provincial assemblies and provincial governance and administrators.”

Dokubo also noted although the new Biafran government would not go to war, it would not be stopped.

“Nobody can stop us. Nobody can blockade us as they did in the first war. We’re not going to fight any war with anybody, we’re walking to freedom,” he said.

“We will not shoot any gun with them, they will prepare their weapon but they will have nobody to kill with their weapon.”