Before Restructure, Beyond Biafra By SKC Ogbonnia

The Igbo must recognize the crying need to persevere and rekindle the competitive spirit, ingenuity, and the mental fortitude needed to unleash immediate investment at home, so that the Igbo masses can even survive before the promised land.

In the piece, Coronavirus: The Nigerian Dream Cure, I wrote that the COVID-19, which “compelled people to stay within their nations and localities, illuminates the genius of the ageless adage: charity begins at home.” The lessons from the virus also strike a chord with the famous quotation: the “fierce urgency of now”, where Martin Luther King demanded action in the face of a looming catastrophe.
 
Nowhere are these maxims more expedient than Igboland. Despite the dearth of development in Eastern Nigeria, which has continued to pose existential threats, the Eastern leaders have made no serious attempt to harness current resources for the greater good. Instead, the Igbo politics has been overly consumed with mundane excuses, heightened with utopian ideas that focus solely on the future, most of which are envisaged to satiate the thirsty sentiments of the gullible masses, forgetting that the people must first survive before they can prevail. 
 
An alarming reminder is the deplorable state of healthcare delivery in Igboland. For instance, before the COVID-19 pandemic, there was no hospital with a laboratory capable of testing for such deadly disease in the entire Eastern Nigeria. The plague also exposed the fact that the East, more than any other region, would have been in grave danger, if the COVI9-19 national lock-down had prolonged.
 
The common excuse for the lack of development in Igboland in the recent times is the structure of the country. Interestingly, the loudest echo chambers for the current campaign from the East are some of the very politicians who held sway during the 16-year rule under the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) but did practically nothing about restructuring. I mean, the very same cabal who are still clad in the same corrupt toga used in colluding with contractors to loot development facilities in the region, especially during the economic boom under Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan, “an Igbo adopted son.” 

Ironically, some of such looted projects, for example, the Akanu Ibiam International Airport, Port Harcourt International Airport, 2nd River Niger Bridge, Zik Mausoleum, and the major Eastern highways and seaports are currently undergoing real work under President Muhammadu Buhari, the perceived grinch. The malfeasance under the PDP becomes more manifest when considered that the East is witnessing measurable infrastructural development under the current regime, despite meagre resources—and, of course, amid Buhari’s misguided vendetta against the region for not voting him.  
 
Highlighting these missed opportunities must not be misconstrued as an opposition to restructuring. Far from that! Nigeria, as currently structured, is a time-bomb. True federalism has the potential to reposition the country and unleash her abundant resources to greatness, but the process to the change must not hinder progress. It is also true that the ageless marginalization of the Igbo by federal authorities combined to stifle development opportunities in the East. But any innocent analysis equally begs the questions:
 
To what extent can we blame others for the lack of unity of purpose in Igboland? To what extent can we blame others for the failure to articulate game-changing policies to confront the tap root of the problem, by provoking the Igbo people to invest in their native land that is not even up to 30% developed?  Worse still, who (or what structure) is to blame for running aground strategic ventures once jointly owned by the Igbo states, for example, the Presidential Hotel Enugu, Nigercem, Golden Guinea Brewery, Premier Brewery, Cooperative Bank, African Continental Bank, Orient Bank, Progressive Bank, and the Daily Star, to name just a few?
 
The simple answer is that mere change is not a sole panacea to progress. After all, it was not long ago that different groups within Nigeria, including those in Igbo land, were in wild jubilation for being granted their own states or local government areas. Despite the fact that all federal statutory allocations and constituency projects due to the states and local governments, as well as their internally generated revenues, have been under the control of the native politicians themselves, there are no tangible projects to show for the trillions.
 
Leadership is action, not excuses. The Igbo politicians should, therefore, not wait till after the restructure of Nigeria before embarking on an economic a dry-run in the remote semblance of the preferred structure—at least to stem the existential threat of mass unemployment and the consequential rising tide of crimes in the region. Governors Jim Ifeanyichukwu Nwobodo and Sam Onunaka Mbakwe did not hide behind quotidian excuses of the current structure before performing wonders within just 4 years in the Second Republic. Moreover, the Nnewi model has since rubbished the common excuse that the Igbo must have a functional seaport before it can thrive. This goes without saying that many thriving Igbo destinations, for example, Abuja, Kaduna, and Kano do not have seaports.
 
The apparent leadership problem within Igboland is neither lack of people with original visions nor hard work. In fact, there is an abundance of private sector-driven templates, featuring endearing ideas, the latest being the South East Regional Economic Development Company (SEREDEC), led by Barth Nnaji; and the South East Stabilization Fund, championed by the Ohaneze Ndigbo. Sadly, such visions are always derailed by an insecure Igbo political cabal.  
 
That is where and why the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) made the title of this thesis. For sure, the IPOB deserves profound praise for finally recognizing that the real enemies are within. But the group should equally recognize that the real battle belongs at the polling booths. Therefore, instead of banal threats of election boycotts, which only serve to disfranchise the ordinary people, the IPOB should key into a growing democratic revolution to uproot the status quo across Nigeria—to ensure, at base, that good people are elected to positions of power. These political positions, of course, include the 2023 presidency which, by equitable consensus, is the turn of the South-East zone. 
 
Further, development has never been the sole province of elected officials. Thus, instead of fraternizing with the fanatical property acquisitions outside the Biafra land by the Igbo, paraded under the façade of quasi-republican capitalism, the IPOB might as well capitalize on its overflowing influence to mitigate the suffering of its masses, by leading an investment revolution at home—and NOW.  
 
The gist is woven in an Igbo adage which holds that a child who would grow to greatness typically shows some sense of acumen at an early stage. Therefore, before restructure, and beyond Biafra; even as it is vitally important to admit that the Nigerian leadership crisis is not devoid of ethnic schisms, where each group and generation potently share blame, a paradigm shift in perception and approach has become very imperative. The Igbo must recognize the crying need to persevere and rekindle the competitive spirit, ingenuity, and the mental fortitude needed to unleash immediate investment at home, so that the Igbo masses can even survive before the promised land.
 
SKC Ogbonnia, A Former Presidential Aspirant, writes from Ugbo, Enugu State, BIAFRA 

BIAFRA Ndigbo: Before Restructuring, Beyond Biafra, By SKC Ogbonnia

 

BIAFRA  before restructuring, and beyond Biafra; even as it is vitally important to admit that the Nigerian leadership crisis is not devoid of ethnic schisms, where each group and generation potently share blame, a paradigm shift in perception and approach has become very imperative.

In the piece, “Coronavirus: The Nigerian Dream Cure”, I wrote that the COVID-19, which “compelled people to stay within their nations and localities, illuminates the genius of the ageless adage: charity begins at home.” The lessons from the virus also strike a chord with the famous quotation: the “fierce urgency of now”, where Martin Luther King demanded action in the face of a looming catastrophe.

Nowhere are these maxims more expedient than Igboland. Despite the dearth of development in Eastern Nigeria, which has continued to pose existential threats, the Eastern leaders have made no serious attempt to harness current resources for the greater good. Instead, Igbo politics has been overly consumed by mundane excuses, heightened with utopian ideas that focus solely on the future, most of which are envisaged to satiate the thirsty sentiments of the gullible masses, forgetting that the people must first survive before they can prevail.

An alarming reminder is the deplorable state of healthcare delivery in Igboland. For instance, before the COVID-19 pandemic, there was no hospital with a laboratory capable of testing for such deadly disease in the entire Eastern Nigeria. The plague also exposed the fact that the East, more than any other region, would have been in grave danger, if the COVID-19 national lock-down had been prolonged.

The common excuse for the lack of development in Igboland in recent times is the structure of the country. Interestingly, the loudest echo chambers for the current campaign of the East are some of the very politicians who held sway during the 16-year rule of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) but who did practically nothing about restructuring. I mean, the very same cabal that is still clad in the same corrupt toga used in colluding with contractors to loot development facilities in the region, especially during the economic boom under Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan, “an Igbo adopted son.”

Ironically, some of such looted projects, for example, the Akanu Ibiam International Airport, Port Harcourt International Airport, Second River Niger Bridge, Zik Mausoleum, and the major Eastern highways and seaports, are currently undergoing real work under President Muhammadu Buhari, the perceived grinch. The malfeasance under the PDP becomes more manifest when considered that the East is witnessing measurable infrastructural development under the current regime, despite meagre resources — and, of course, amid Buhari’s misguided vendetta against the region for not voting for him.

BIAFRA Leadership is action, not excuses. The Igbo politicians should, therefore, not wait till after the restructuring of Nigeria before embarking on an economic dry-run in the remote semblance of the preferred structure — at least to stem the existential threat of mass unemployment and the consequential rising tide of crimes in the region.

Highlighting these missed opportunities must not be misconstrued as an opposition to restructuring. Far from that! Nigeria, as currently structured, is a time-bomb. True federalism has the potential to reposition the country and unleash her abundant resources to greatness, but the process to the change must not hinder progress. It is also true that the ageless marginalisation of the Igbo by federal authorities combined to stifle development opportunities in the East. But any innocent analysis equally begs the questions:

To what extent can we blame others for the lack of unity of purpose in Igboland? To what extent can we blame others for the failure to articulate game-changing policies to confront the tap root of the problem, by provoking the Igbo people to invest in their native land that is not even up to 30 per cent developed? Worse still, who (or what structure) is to blame for running aground strategic ventures once jointly owned by the Igbo states, for example, the Presidential Hotel, Enugu; Nigercem; Golden Guinea Brewery; Premier Brewery; Cooperative Bank; African Continental Bank; Orient Bank; Progressive Bank; and the Daily Star, to name just a few?

The simple answer is that mere change is not a sole panacea for progress. After all, it was not long ago that different groups within Nigeria, including those in Igboland, were in wild jubilation for being granted their own states or local government areas. Despite the fact that all federal statutory allocations and constituency projects due to the states and local governments, as well as their internally generated revenues, have been under the control of the native politicians themselves, there are no tangible projects to show for the trillions.

Leadership is action, not excuses. The Igbo politicians should, therefore, not wait till after the restructuring of Nigeria before embarking on an economic dry-run in the remote semblance of the preferred structure — at least to stem the existential threat of mass unemployment and the consequential rising tide of crimes in the region. Governors Jim Ifeanyichukwu Nwobodo and Sam Onunaka Mbakwe did not hide behind quotidian excuses of the current structure before performing wonders within just four years in the Second Republic. Moreover, the Nnewi model has since rubbished the common excuse that the Igbo must have a functional seaport before it can thrive. This goes without saying that many thriving Igbo destinations, for example, Abuja, Kaduna, and Kano do not have seaports.

BIAFRA The Igbo must recognise the crying need to persevere and rekindle the competitive spirit, ingenuity, and the mental fortitude needed to unleash immediate investment at home, so that the Igbo masses can even survive before the promised land.

The apparent leadership problem within Igboland is neither lack of people with original visions nor hard work. In fact, there is an abundance of private sector-driven templates, featuring endearing ideas, the latest being the South East Regional Economic Development Company (SEREDEC), led by Barth Nnaji; and the South East Stabilisation Fund, championed by the Ohaneze Ndigbo. Sadly, such visions are always derailed by an insecure Igbo political cabal.

That is where and why the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) made the title of this thesis. For sure, the IPOB deserves profound praise for finally recognising that the real enemies are within. But the group should equally recognise that the real battle belongs at the polling booths. Therefore, instead of the banal threats of election boycotts, which only serve to disfranchise the ordinary people, the IPOB should key into a growing democratic revolution to uproot the status quo across Nigeria — to ensure, at base, that good people are elected to positions of power. These political positions, of course, include the 2023 presidency which, by equitable consensus, is the turn of the South-East zone.

Further, development has never been the sole province of elected officials. Thus, instead of fraternising with the fanatical property acquisitions outside Biafra land by the Igbo, paraded under the façade of quasi-republican capitalism, the IPOB might as well capitalise on its overflowing influence to mitigate the suffering of its masses, by leading an investment revolution at home — and NOW.

The gist is woven in an Igbo adage which holds that a child who would grow to greatness typically shows some sense of acumen at an early stage. Therefore, before restructuring, and beyond Biafra; even as it is vitally important to admit that the Nigerian leadership crisis is not devoid of ethnic schisms, where each group and generation potently share blame, a paradigm shift in perception and approach has become very imperative. The Igbo must recognise the crying need to persevere and rekindle the competitive spirit, ingenuity, and the mental fortitude needed to unleash immediate investment at home, so that the Igbo masses can even survive before the promised land.

I’ll make Nnamdi Kanu, IPOB abandon struggle in 6 months – Olusegun Bamgbose

Olusegun Bamgbose, Esq., National Coordinator Concerned Advocates for Good Governance, CAGG, says he could end the agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra if given the mandate.

Bamgbose noted that the agitation, dated back to 1967 during the Biafran war is still very much alive and shaking the foundation of the country.

According to the lawyer, the struggle, which is now being spearheaded by Nnamdi Kanu-led Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, is legitimate being that the group is crying out over marginalisation.

He noted that the agitation is a product of injustice, illegality, insecurity, bad governance, repression and dictatorship, adding that it is not out of place if these anomalies are prevalent in a society.

Speaking with DAILY POST on Tuesday, the legal practitioner noted that in 2015, the All Progressives Congress, APC, and President Muhammadu Buhari agitated for a change, adding that they felt that the government of Goodluck Jonathan was not good enough and protested and the ‘change’ came.

“Buhari won the election. Mandela agitated for the independence of South Africa, he got it. Recently, Buhari’s kinsmen agitated based on the insecurity confronting them in Daura,” Bamgbose noted.

“In essence, agitation is legitimate when there is a good cause. As a citizen of Nigeria, I have always said that I was born a Nigerian and I will be proud to die as a Nigerian.

“The truth remains that the Igbos are not getting the best from Nigeria, and it’s legitimate for them to agitate for better treatment, however, secession should be out of it.

“We must not allow our diversities, difficulties and differences destabilize our unity. Our unity should be sacred and sacrosanct.

“The Igbos should not be treated as second class citizens of Nigeria. The civil war should be a bygone issue for now. It’s obvious that where there is repression, there will be a revolt, however, revolt should not lead to secession.

“I sincerely believe that what Kanu wants for the Igbos should be better live, not secession. Igbos are not bent on secession but equality and equity in the scheme of things.

“What’s good for the goose is good for the gander. As President, I believe, agitation for Biafra can end in six months.

“The Federal Government should do more to make life better. I detest tribalism because it’s my belief that I never made a choice of where to come from.

“My creator would have created me a Northerner, Igbo, Ijaw man or any other tribe. I’ll always support the Igbos for better participation in the scheme of things, but on one Nigeria I stand.

“I will never support any form of secession, even Oduduwa Republic. Let’s remain one indivisible country.”

BIAFRA : Nigerian-Born Princeton Professor Kicks As 'Looted Biafra Artefacts' Sold $238,000 At Paris Auction

The auction house said that the collector acquired them from an African dealer in 1968 or 1969, either in Cameroon or Paris, before they were later acquired by another private collector, who was the seller on Monday.

These artworks are stained with the blood of Biafra’s children,” wrote Chika Okeke-Agulu, an art history professor at Princeton, in an impassioned Instagram post three weeks ago calling for a halt to the sale of two wooden statues made by the Igbo people of Nigeria. 

Mr. Okeke-Agulu believes the items were looted in the late 1960s during the country’s brutal civil war. But the auction went ahead on Monday at Christie’s in Paris, New York Times reports.

The life-size male and female figures, described by Christie’s as “among the greatest sculptures of African art,” sold to an online bidder for 212,500 euros with fees, about $238,000. The price was well below the pre-sale estimate of €250,000 to €350,000.

The sculptures originated from southeast Nigeria, a region devastated by one of the late 20th century’s bloodiest civil conflicts. Biafra’s unsuccessful three-year struggle to gain independence, which ended in 1970, claimed the lives of more than a million people, most of whom died of starvation.

Mr. Okeke-Agulu, who grew up in the Biafra war zone, near where the statues were made, said in his Instagram post that Christie’s Igbo figures were among many artefacts stolen by intermediaries at the behest of European and American dealers and collectors, such as the renowned French collector Jacques Kerchache.

Christie’s named Mr. Kerchache, who was instrumental in the foundation of the Quai Branly Museum, which displays artefacts from France’s former colonies, as a former owner of these sculptures. 

The auction house said that the collector acquired them from an African dealer in 1968 or 1969, either in Cameroon or Paris, before they were later acquired by another private collector, who was the seller on Monday.

In a statement before the auction, Christie’s responded to Mr. Okeke-Agulu’s Instagram post, saying the sale of the statues was legitimate and lawful. 

“There is no evidence these statues were removed from their original location by someone who was not local to the area,” the statement said, adding that Mr. Kerchache never went to Nigeria in 1968 or 1969 and Christie's had worked to reassure all enquiries regarding the provenance and legitimacy of the sale.

Mr. Okeke-Agulu’s voice is one of many calling for the repatriation of African artworks in European and American collections that are thought to have been acquired through colonial exploitation or illegal looting.

In November 2018, a report commissioned by President Emmanuel Macron of France recommended that French museums permanently repatriate artworks removed from Africa without consent, if their countries of origin ask for their return. Mr. Macron subsequently announced that 26 pieces looted by French forces would be handed back from the Quai Branly Museum. They remain in France, however, awaiting the construction of a suitable host museum in Benin.

Earlier this month, with the repatriation process at a near standstill, a group of protesters stormed the Quai Branly in an unsuccessful attempt to remove an African funeral pole.

In London, several “Benin Bronzes,” celebrated metal reliefs taken by British soldiers in 1897, remain in the British Museum without any plans for their return.

The circumstances of Christie’s Igbo figures’ removal from Nigeria, however, are more obscure.

Bernard de Grunne, the Brussels-based dealer who sold the sculptures in 2010 to the seller at Christie’s, wrote in an email that, “We cannot connect them with the chaos caused by the Biafran war, as we do not know when precisely they came out of Nigeria. They could have come out anytime between 1968 and 1983.”

“A reverse argument can also be made that these great works of art were saved for the world to admire at that point, instead of being burned and destroyed during the war,” he added.

But Mr. Okeke-Agulu remains convinced that the sculptures were looted in the conflict. “There’s a certain enduring anxiety about anything to do with Biafra because of the unspeakable horror of that war,” Mr. Okeke-Agulu said in an interview before the sale. “With World War II restitution cases, they were artworks taken from Europeans by Europeans. When it comes to Africa, because Africa doesn’t matter, it’s business as usual. That cannot continue to be the case.”

Mr. Okeke-Agulu also cited the work of another scholar, Sidney Littlefield Kasfir. In her 2007 book, Ms. Littlefield Kasfir showed that during the Biafran war, “Substantial looting of shrines by combatants took place and many objects were moved by middlemen across the border into Cameroon, from where they were bought by traders and shipped to Europe as art-market commodities.”

In 1970, a group of traders from Cameroon was stopped by the Nigerian police and a cache of Igbo artefacts seized. Nigeria made the trade in stolen artefacts illegal in 1953 with the passing of its Antiquities Ordinance law.

BIAFRA : Kogi Chief Judge, Ajanah dies at Abuja COVID-19 isolation centre

The Chief Judge of Kogi State, Justice Nasiru Ajanah is dead.

DAILY POST gathered that Ajanah died at the age of 64 in Abuja in the early hours of Sunday after battling with a brief illness.

His death is coming barely one week after the state lost the President of the Customary Court of Appeal in the state, Justice Ibrahim Shaibu Atadoga, after a brief illness.

The Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Fanwo, confirmed the death of the chief judge in a statement he signed on Sunday.

The statement reads “The Kogi State Government wishes to announce the demise of Hon. Justice Nasir Ajana. Until his death, Nasir Ajana was the Chief Judge of Kogi State.

“The passing of the legal luminary is a massive blow to the Government and people of Kogi State for his brilliant justice administration throughout his career as a Judge and his tenure as the Chief Judge of Kogi State.

“He will be sorely missed for his tenacity of purpose and outstanding commitment to the sanctity of the temple of justice. He was a colossus in the noble profession of law.

“The State Government will work with the family of the late Chief Justice to give him a befitting burial. His shoes will be impossible to fill. May God forgive all his shortcomings and grant him eternal life.”

Late Justice Ajanah was born in Okene Local Government Council to the family of MJ Fari Ajanah. Ajanah received early education at the Native Authority (Central) Primary School, Okene between 1962 and 1968. In 1969, he enrolled in Federal Government College, Keffi and graduated in 1973. In 1974, Ajanah enrolled in the same college for a Higher School Certificate (HSC) finishing in 1975.

Ajana earned LLB from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He attended Nigerian Law School and was subsequently called to the Nigerian Bar as a Barrister and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

Ajana legal career started at the Kwara State Ministry of Justice where he served as State Counsel (1982-1984).

In 1984, he established his own private firm, Nasiru Ajanah & Co in Okene until 1989 when he was appointed a Judge of Kwara State High Court. He was transferred to Kogi State after its creation in 1991. Prior to his appointment as Chief Judge of Kogi State, Ajanah had served in different capacities.

Ajanah was Chairman, Election petition tribunal in Adamawa State for the 1998 general elections; Member, Governing board of Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies between (1999-2006); Chairman, Panel on Muritala Mohammed International Airport Fire Incidence (2000); Chairman, Election petition Tribunal in Akwa – Ibom State (2007) and Chairman; Election Tribunal Petition (2) in Rivers State (2008).

Meanwhile, former Kogi State Governor Alhaji Ibrahim Idris has described the death of Kogi state Chief Judge, Late Justice Nasir Ajanah, as a great loss to the state.

Alhaji Ibrahim Idris in a statement he personally signed and issued noted that his death came at a time when the state needed his professional and fatherly roles.

Ibrahim Idris recalled his working relationship with the former Chief Judge, saying “he was an unbiased and unblemished public officer while in service.”

Alhaji Ibrahim sympathised with the state government at this trying period, especially not too long that they lost the President of the customary court of Appeal, Late Justice Shaibu Atadoga.

He urged the family to take solace that the late Chief Judge lived a life of exemplary and discipline traits, praying for the repose of his soul.

Nnamdi Kanu, Asari Dokubo, Uwazuruike told to abandon struggle

The Biafra Nations Youth League, BNYL, has warned Nnamdi Kanu of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB; Chief Ralph Uwazuruike of the Biafra Independence Movement, BIM; and a former Niger Delta militant leader, Asari Dokubo, to back off the Biafra struggle if they have lost focus.

The group was reacting to religious squabbles going on among the secessionist leaders.

Uwazuruike and Dokubo had recently lambasted Nnamdi Kanu for insisting that some sorts of religion would be prohibited in the yet-to-be actualized nation.

However, the BNYL’s Director of Operations, Biafra Broadcasting Service, BBS, Ebuta Takon Akor, in a statement to DAILY POST on Sunday, disclosed his group position on the issues that have generated much controversies in the media.

The BNYL dismissed claims that Biafra will be built on religion, saying the State of Biafra is dominated by Christians and traditional believers and no one can change it.

The group hinted that the BNYL will not tolerate whoever is presenting his religious ideology in the struggle, adding that both Jewish and Christians have one Biblical belief apart from the way of worship and both would not conflict in a Biafran state.

“Jews and Christians are directly connected and their way of worship won’t be conflicting with the constitution of Biafra.

“We know that Biafra is dominated by Christians, which automatically makes it a Christian State and we understand that thousands of Biafrans are Judaist and many into traditional belief system.

“Any religion that promotes jihad and shedding of blood will not be tolerated by the majority Christian Biafra.

“The secessionist leaders must sheathe their sword or back off from the struggle if they have nothing to offer.”

BIAFRA : Nigeria will never allow an Igbo presidency, because of Biafra war experience – Col Emma Nworah Nwobosi

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In a matter of weeks, Col Emma Nworah Nwobosi would turn 82. He participated in the January 15, 1966 coup, which was the first of its kind in Nigeria. He led soldiers to fight in different battlefields in defence of the then young republic called Biafra and later became the chief of staff to Dim Chukwuemeka Ojukwu. In this interview with EZIOMUME SOLOMON, Nwobosi, who also holds the prestigious title of Ogene Obosi kingdom in Idemili North local government area of Anambra state, speaks on the coup, the war and the present day Nigeria.

What was the reason behind the 1966 coup?

It happened because, things were going haywire in Nigeria. So, we, the young officers in the army were not happy that things were not going well. The then civilian government in Nigeria led by Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, as Prime Minister, was not in control of the affairs of the country because, he had a bigger boss called Sir Ahmadu Bello, who was at the time, the Premier of Northern Nigeria. About 95% of problems of Nigeria as at that time, did not emanate from the Prime Minister, who was supposed to be in charge of the country but from a regional premier, who had all the powers, and these powers he had were not constitutional; he arrogated them to himself, because, he was the leader of the Northern Peoples Congress, NPC, where Tafawa Balewa belonged. We were the middle cadre in the military then, and we saw the unpleasant way things were going in the country, and we couldn’t stomach them anymore.

Among those of us who were not happy was Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. He got that name Kaduna because, he was born in Kaduna. Nzeogwu took over from a British, who was in charge of the country’s intelligence unit in Lagos, the then capital of Nigeria. Nzeogwu uncovered a number of things that were going wrong in Nigeria; and, as a military man, he had to report to his boss, the Prime Minister. But as I told you earlier, the Prime Minister was not in charge. He was a “Yes Sir” man. Later, Nzeogwu was transferred from Military Intelligence to Kaduna; where he became the Commandant of the Nigerian Military College.

I got to know Nzeogwu during our days at St. John’s College, Kaduna. He was my senior then. I and some other officers, as well as Nzeogwu were having spare times to talk about the unfolding events in Nigeria then. Everybody started getting dissatisfied with the events in Nigeria. That was when we started thinking of changing the government. Some of us in the North were talking about executing the coup; some were discussing about it in Ibadan, some in Lagos and others in Enugu, where we had military outfits in the country then. That was how the thought of the first military coup was conceived.

Some Nigerians tagged it Igbo coup. How true is that?

Different ethnic groups joined in the first military coup. There were Igbo people, there were Hausa, Yoruba, Efik, among others.

How did you find yourself in the battlefield?

I was called upon by our Head of State, Lt. Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu, to command an artillery. Though, the most senior officer then that should have done that was Alexander Madueboh. He was my boss at the Nigerian army; but in Biafra, he was assigned to a brigade. So, I was given the mandate to set up artillery, so, I moved to Okigwe, where I assembled old artillery officers and we started training. We were issued combat weapons. We were, however, disappointed not getting the kind of weapon we expected for the war, but Ojukwu encouraged us to move on with what we had. We later moved from Okigwe to Hilltop. There was a secondary school there. Already, Major Tim Onwuatuegwu was situated there with his own men. So, we shared that college premises and dormitory. Later on, I was directed to move my men to Nsukka front, beyond the University campus, in Enugu state. As at then, the war had broken out proper.

Could you recall the deadliest battle you fought?

The deadliest battle I fought was in Obolo-Afo in Enugu state. We lost men and had a lot of casualties. It was in that battle that I sustained a life-threatening injury. I never knew I would survive the wound. Shell bomb struck me, broke my ribs and my spinal cord. When it hit me, I had a blackout. I thought I was gone. Biafra soldiers carried me shoulder high to our Brigade headquarters in Ukehe, Enugu state, and later to Enugu township, where I received emergency treatment in our hospital. My partner, a young soldier, who used to sit around me and run errands for me, was killed by the shell. It was when I became conscious in the hospital that I was told that the shelling that hit me also shattered him.

Beside the young officer killed by the shelling, which other comrades did you lose during the war?

They were so many, but I will mention only one or two. One was Major Tim Onwuatuegwu. By the time Timothy died, the war had ended, and the story was that he was walking to get out of Biafra into Cameroon. So, in Abakaliki, a Nigerian soldier recognised him, and he was arrested, taken to Enugu. They were planning to take him to Lagos before he died. Nobody knew the circumstances that led to his death. He might have been killed by the Nigerian soldiers, he might, as well, have killed himself.

Another prominent soldier was Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. Nzeogwu was with me at Nsukka front. Those days, he did a lot of successful exploits. He would go into Nsukka with a number of soldiers, armed with guns and hand grenades. There was a popular hotel where Nigerian soldiers and their women enjoyed themselves in the night hours. Nzeogwu and his soldiers would sneak into that vicinity at night, and would attack the soldiers using hand grenade and guns, and majority of them would be killed. They were doing this successfully over and over; but it happened that during one of such expeditions, Nzeogwu took with him one Thomas Digger (who was Ojukwu’s half brother) and a number of other soldiers. When they finished their regular attack, and were going back to their base, some Nigerian soldiers laid ambush and shot them. It was when they checked on the soldiers they shot that they discovered that Nzeogwu was among. They mourned him, took his body to Kaduna, where they gave him state burial because, he was not only a prominent person in the Nigerian army, he was also a very likeable soldier. The heroic burial they gave him might be a propaganda because, when we were busy denying that Nzeogwu was not killed, they were busy giving him hero’s burial in the middle of the war; maybe, to let the world know about his demise.

What were some of the major challenges Biafran soldiers encountered fighting the war?

Two major challenges were lack of weapons and lack of food. Biafra soldiers were very dedicated towards defending the young republic, and our propaganda worked very well for us, but then, we had the disadvantage of not having sophisticated weapons. We had no mortars, we had no anti-tank weapons. The Nigerian soldiers had all these. Whenever they started raining their weapons, we were nowhere to reply them. The Nigerian army was using AK47, but Biafran soldiers were using close combat. If you had AK47, you could fire an enemy a far distance from you as long as you can see him, and the velocity of the gun will hit and kill the enemy but you use close combat for an enemy at a very close range. If you shoot an enemy a far distance away, by the time it hit the enemy, it would only scratch his body. We had the disadvantage of fighting an enemy who had armoured vehicles.

So, along the line, we started using our own initiative to get weapons. For instance, whenever we knew that an armoured vehicle of the Nigerian army was to pass through a particular road, we would set a trap on the road by digging a very big hole, and set an ambush with soldiers. So, as soon as an armoured vehicle passed through the road, it would sink. The armoured vehicle would not be able to turn the torrents. We would shoot the enemy and give them a close battle. Then, we would pool the vehicle out, our engineers would fix it for our own use. That was how we got a number of armoured vehicles we used in Biafra.

During the war, some humanitarian organisations such as Red Cross, Caritas International, the Presbyterians, among others, flew relief materials into Biafra, and they were mainly for Kwashiorkor children. Ojukwu set up what we called Biafra Land Army, and the aim was to help boost agricultural production, but due to the war going on everywhere, attention was not given to farming. The relief materials helped us, but did not go a long way. So, hunger also disturbed soldiers who fought the war.

How did the Nigerian government treat people like you, who fought on the side of Biafra during the war?

Immediately after the war, I proceeded on a 14-year self-imposed exile. But my colleagues, who took part in executing the coup and fighting the war, were put into detention. My friend in the army, Col Achuzie, was not part of the coup but he fought the war with us on the side of Biafra. Achuzie and one Major Shedrack, who was in the military police then, were put in detention for seven years over what the then military government of Gowon called “Sadistic behavior”. However, there were few Igbo or rather, southerners who were later re-absorbed into the Nigerian army.

Did the Nigerian government pay some of you who fought on the Biafran side, your entitlements?

We received our entitlements. Even when we were in detention after executing the coup, we were pleasantly surprised that our salaries were still running. We were able to receive our salaries while in detention. I remember while we were moved from Kirikiri Prison to Enugu Prison, and later to Owerri Prison; we found out that our salaries were running, and with the help of Prison Superintendents, your account could be transferred anywhere. So that once in a while, one would write a cheque of items he needed and they would be supplied to him. Even in Owerri Prison, I once wrote a cheque through my account, and a football was bought for me, so that we were able to play football while in detention.

Fifty years after the civil war, do you think that Nigerians have been able to address the problem that led to the war?

I would have loved that you rephrased that question to read: After 50 years, how much backwards has Nigeria moved? This is because, we cannot talk about Nigeria moving forward. The country never moved forward since then. In fact, if the country had stood still – marking time, it would have been better for it than the condition we find ourselves as Nigerians. We have gone terribly backwards after the war. Our status as a country is nothing to write home about. Things have so degenerated that sometimes, one would feel ashamed saying that he is a Nigerian. Look at current appointments in Nigeria, from the beginning to the end, they are all northern Muslims. I was laughing when I heard our people saying and believing that in 2023 an Igbo man will be made president. When a president in power does not allow you to hold the post of a messenger, then, you believe that in 2023, he will make you president. Sometimes, I do not like discussing the affairs of this country, because, they make me feel sick in the stomach.

When we did the coup in 1966, they were saying it was Igbo coup, when they saw Yoruba Major, Hausa and others who participated. When we executed the coup, I had a Lieutenant officer from Urobo, who was part of it. Nigerians wouldn’t accept or tell anybody what caused the coup and the civil war; they would only say it’s an Igbo coup.

Considering unfolding events in Nigeria, and having witnessed the war, would you still subscribe to the clamour by IPOB and MASSOB for the South East to break away from Nigeria?

Of course, I do. From the way people of the south east are being treated in the present day Nigeria, it becomes evident that we are rejected, and, as Igbo adage would say, a rejected man does not reject himself. We cannot reject ourselves. We should rather work hard to achieve our own independence. I did the coup, I fought the war; I also want to see Biafra realised. This agitation led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is a step in the right direction. He needs to be supported. I just wish our people would be focussed enough to speak with one voice; not this person saying this today; and tomorrow, another person will start saying a different thing.

What is your view on the influx of herdsmen and Almajiri into the Southern Nigeria?

Whoever sees what is happening and says he is seeking an advice just wants to know whatever somebody would say. You’re in your house and, suddenly, a stranger enters and starts behaving strangely and starts killing people. We see pictures and videos of Fulani people coming into Nigeria through a border that is very porous; this is a Nigeria that is supposed to give visa to all those coming into it, as done by other countries; but Nigeria makes its own in such a way that there are people who will come in with visa and there are others, who will just walk in. What type of country is that? My advice is that people of the south east should put their house in order, gird their loins, and should be able to defend themselves.

What is the hope of Nigeria having a president of Igbo extraction in 2023?

As far as I am concerned, and considering how things are moving presently, there is no hope for Nigeria having a president of Igbo extraction in a foreseeable future. Anybody promising president of Igbo extraction in 2023 is making jest of the people of the South East. You must count one before you count two. How could a people, who hate you so passionately today that they find it difficult giving you post of a messenger will come out the next day to give you presidency. How could that happen? My 82-year-old gray hair cannot deceive me. If at my age, I will still discuss or believe that kind of talk, I must be a foolish man. An average Fulani Muslim will only tell you what you will like to hear at any point in time in order to deceive you and hold firm to power; and it is left for people with shallow mentality to believe. I am not being pessimistic; but as far as 2023 is concerned, Igbo presidency is elusive.

How much do you participate in the Nigerian politics?

I have never been enthusiastic about playing politics in Nigeria. I remember when I returned from exile, Ojukwu, had already returned and the Nigerian government promised him heaven and earth, called on me to join him in Enugu. And because I worked well with him during the war, I accepted, but when he told me about going into active politics with him, I refused, because, he knew already I never liked politics. I like to follow politics but I don’t like to play it.

Ojukwu was active in politics. I worked with him as his chief of staff, and as his chief of staff, I would do everything to help him organise his office and his activities, but never for him to expect me to join him in playing politics. So, we had that understanding, because, politics is never in my gene.